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Policiers tués à Dallas: Attention, une violence peut en cacher une autre ! (The real dangers behind the myths of the “Black Lives Matter” movement)

Posté le samedi 9 juillet 2016 par Admini

Fry'emPigsAADLMicah Xavier JohnsonBHOCharleston-Dallas

https://jcdurbant.files.wordpress.com/2015/10/homicidesbyrace.gif?w=450

baby-killed-drive-by-shooting

Et si les principales victimes n’étaient pas celles que l’on croyait ?

Au lendemain d’un nouveau massacre américain …

Perpétré cette fois par un noir, apparemment proche de mouvements appelant au meurtre de policiers, contre des policiers blancs lors d’une manifestation justement contre les brutalités des policiers blancs contre les noirs …

Et qui sera finalement abattu par un robot raciste dont on ne sait toujours pas la couleur …

Comment ne pas voir avec la chercheuse américaine Heather MacDonald (merci Charly Karl Ékoulé Maneng) …

La terrible responsabilité, entre Maison Blanche, universités et médias, de nos pompiers-pyromanes et chasseurs d’ambulances patentés …

Qui lorsqu’ils n’appellent pas explicitement, à l’instar de nos casseurs à nous, à « griller les cochons comme du bacon » …

Nous rebattent les oreilles avec leurs habituelles contre-vérités niant l’évidence de la sur-criminalité noire (deux tiers des cambriolages, plus de la moitié des meurtres et presque la moitié des attaques à main armée dans les principales zones urbaines pour seulement 13% de la population totale – étrangement parallele d’ailleurs a la surcriminalite musulmane en France) …

Comme de la sous-victimisation noire pour les homicides du fait de la police (4% contre 12% pour les blancs et hispaniques) …

Des limites de certains concepts comme celui de « non-armé » (5 sur 7 des victimes noires d’homicides du fait de la police avaient essayé d’arracher l’arme du policier ou de le battre avec son propre équipement) …

De la survictimisation de policiers d’origine minoritaire  (18,5 fois plus probable qu’un policier soit tué par un Noir – 40% de tueurs de policiers sont des Noirs – qu’un policier tue un Noir non armé ou désarmé) mais aussi logiquement de leur plus grande tendance à faire usage de leur arme (3,3 fois plus que les policiers blancs) …

Mais aussi sur le véritable secret de polichinelle ou, comme le dit si bien l’anglais, « l’éléphant dans la pièce » de l’histoire …

A savoir la violence intra-ethnique noir contre noir (près de  6 000 noirs tués – sans compter les nombreux blessés et les victimes colllatérales dont de nombreux enfants – majoritairement par d’autres noirs soit plus que le total de blancs et d’hispaniques pour seulement 13% de la population totale) …

Et, plus pervers encore, « l’effet Ferguson » qui, sans compter l’explosion des incivilités, l’encouragement au refus des contrôles policiers et le doublement des meurtres de policiers ce dernier semestre, voit une hausse de 17% des meurtres dans les 50 plus grandes agglomérations américaines du fait justement de la moindre activité policière, par peur d’être accusés de racisme, dans certaines zones à risque …

Et donc, à terme, la perte des acquis, en matière de sécurité, de décennies de travail policier pour les zones et les populations qui en auraient le plus besoin …

Soit, triste ironie de l’hitoire, le retour à ce qui était justement reproché à la police des années 60 et 70 voire bien avant, l’indifférence à la sécurité des plus démunis ?

Admini @ 01:32
Catégorie(s): Les idiots inutiles etMédias etPolitique américaine etRacismes


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8 réponses à “Policiers tués à Dallas: Attention, une violence peut en cacher une autre ! (The real dangers behind the myths of the “Black Lives Matter” movement)”

  • 8
    jc durbant:

    OBAMA LEGACY

    Obama entered office in 2008 with promises of ending racial animosity. Instead, he chose to stoke an us/them mentality to ensure his reelection, always pitting a coalition of victimized minorities against a shrinking and culpable white privileged majority. The Professor Gates melodrama, the call for Latinos to punish their enemies at the polls, the politicization of the Trayvon Martin shooting trial, and the opportunistic commentary on the Ferguson and Baltimore riots only reified Obama’s early racialist polarization—which was evident in Dreams from My Father, during his two-decade apprenticeship to the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, and his “typical white person” and “clingers” campaign speeches.

    The result is that race relations have not been been this strained since the 1960s urban riots. Race now permeates even the most unexpected facets of American life: multimillionaire athletes refuse to stand for the National Anthem, arguing their racist country is not worth veneration; multimillionaire Hollywood actors and actresses adjudicate Oscar, Grammy, and Emmy awards as fair or unfair on the basis of proportional racial representation. Multimillionaire rappers—many of them White House visitors—call for violence against the police in their lyrics or adorn their album covers with pictures of black gangbangers toasting the corpse of a white judge on the White House lawn.

    Yet in terms of family income and employment, the African-American middle and lower-middle classes are faring poorly under Obama. The next president will face an existential dilemma. Can the United States remain the only country in history to be truly multiracial without segregating into enclaves and without serial racial rioting and violence? Will renewed calls for integration, assimilation, and tolerance be seen as too little too late?

    Abroad, President Obama is leaving behind a new world in which the United States has lost the ability to deter enemies and ceded influence to regional and often hostile hegemonies. China is recreating the wartime Japanese East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Vladimir Putin is incrementally reassembling the republics and buffer zones of the old Soviet Union. Iran, empowered by both its new Hezbollah/Syria/Russia axis and the appeasement of the U.S.-brokered Iran deal, is seeking to adjudicate who enters and leaves the Persian Gulf, and for what reasons.

    Radical Islam has left much of Libya and the Iraq/Syria borderlands a wasteland after the abrupt withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq and our lead-from-behind bewilderment in Libya. Millions of migrants from these war zones have entered Europe, the vast majority of them young, male, Muslim, and unvetted.

    Given radical defense cuts and criticism of past American leadership, the United States is increasingly not in the position of reassuring its former allies that it can help to defend them from Chinese, Russian, Iranian, or Islamic aggression. Sometimes it is unsure whether old allies like Israel, the Philippines, or Turkey are really allies at all any more. The next president may well be facing even more regional wars. To keep the peace, he or she will have to restore U.S. credibility and deterrence—a far harder task than losing both after Obama’s pseudo red-, dead-, and step-over lines.

    Every president argues that he “inherited a mess.” And they often do. Gerald Ford in 1974 came into office with a post-Watergate hangover and a rekindling of war in Vietnam. Jimmy Carter dealt with the blowback from the Ford-Nixon pardon and rampant inflation. Ronald Reagan faced stagflation, oil embargoes, a Carter foreign policy in ruins, an ascendant Soviet Union, and a revolutionary and hostage-taking Iran. George W. Bush dealt with the loss of U.S. deterrence against Osama bin Laden and a recession.

    In this vein, Obama argued that he inherited a catastrophic war in Iraq and a ruined economy. Not quite. Fracking and horizontal drilling came despite, not because of, his efforts and gave Obama a trillion-dollar stimulus of record low energy prices and near energy self-sufficiency. When he entered office, Iraq was not just quiet, but won, so much so that both Obama and Vice President Biden at various times would claim Iraq as their own—their “greatest achievement” as well as “sovereign,” “stable,” and “self-reliant.” Obama entered office four months after the September 2008 economic downturn, at a time when markets were stabilizing, the TARP bailouts were in place, and talk of a meltdown had largely ended.

    The next president will be facing economic stagnation, record debt, racial division, looming large and ongoing small wars abroad, and a health care system in ruins. Common to all these problems is that tough solutions—fiscal discipline, recalibrating the tax code, restoration of deterrence, and a new health insurance model—will be as controversial and painful as is the current unsustainable slide into chaos.

    Currently, President Obama envisions his last four months in office as running out his fourth quarter clock. By removing himself from visible leadership this summer, Obama had mostly stopped commenting on matters of race, the economy, foreign affairs, and Obamacare. He learned once again that the more he stayed on the golf course, vacationed at Martha’s Vineyard, or entertained celebrities at the White House, the more Americans did not see or hear their President, and thus the more they liked the idea, rather than the reality, of him as president. And when two unattractive presidential candidates like Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump filled the ensuing media void, President Obama’s approval numbers returned to 50%.

    Obama plans to coast through to January 2017, running the presidency as a public relations office—in hopes that the flammable detritus of his ideologically driven policies will not ignite until his predecessor is in office. Pity whoever that may be.

    http://victorhanson.com/wordpress/?p=9579#more-9579

  • 7
    jc durbant:

    IT’S THE COP SHOWS, STUPID ! (Mean World Syndrome: Since the average American kid sees an estimated 8,000 murders on TV before they turn 12, they end up primed to think that violence is a regular part of life)

    “Why public views on crime have grown more dire is unclear, though many blame it on the nature of news coverage, reality TV, and political rhetoric.”

    Andrew Kohut (Pew)

    Now that crime rates are so low, people have “very little direct experience of crime,” so their perceptions are mainly shaped by news media and entertainment. “Both of these present profoundly inaccurate pictures of the amount of serious crime. The mainstream media continue to live by if it bleeds it leads. I’ve found that if the TV news doesn’t have a horrific local crime story they just pick one up from another city.” Entertainment is just as bad, he says, or worse: Crime dramas continue to captivate, and these often feature horrific criminals like serial killers and child abductors. “This creates a constant background noise, where various crimes are “everywhere and horrific and incomprehensible in nature.” More banal, poverty-driven crime is rarely featured on the news or in broadcast procedurals, he says, aside from ride-along reality-TV crime shows like COPS, which are shot from the “perspective of the always moral and moralizing police officer.” Indeed, separate research indicates that blacks are finally being less overrepresented as the perpetrators of crimes on broadcast news, while Latinos are being overrepresented as undocumented immigrants and Muslims are “greatly overrepresented as terrorists on network and cable news programs.”

    Alex Vitale (Brooklyn college)

    During Reagan’s presidency, which lasted from 1981 to 1989, America was way more dangerous than it is today. In that era, there was an average of 20,377 murders a year in the U.S. There were 14,249 in 2014, the latest year with official FBI data. Meanwhile, the U.S. population has grown from 229 million to 310 million, a 35 percent increase, driving down the per capita rates. There’s also never been a safer time to be a child in America, and while an average of 101 police officers were intentionally killed every year during Reagan’s presidency, the annual number is just 62 under Obama — the lowest recorded amount.

    This is crucial, since as cultural critic Walter Lippman argued in Public Opinion in 1922, people don’t rely on critical thinking or have ready access to facts to make sense of their world; they lean on the “pictures in their heads,” informed by the media they’re exposed to. The late George Gerbner, who spent a quarter-century studying American culture, called it Mean World Syndrome: Since the average American kid sees an estimated 8,000 murders on TV before they turn 12, they end up primed to think that violence is a regular part of life. It’s an example of what the superstar psychologists Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman called the availability heuristic, whereby people estimate how likely things are to happen based on how frequently they’re exposed to those things or their representations. Since you don’t know the actual statistic, you use a heuristic — a shortcut for thinking — of coming up with an example to guess at the prevalence. So if everything you watch or read is telling you that crime is lurking around you, you might assume that it is — even if the data indicates otherwise …

    http://nymag.com/scienceofus/2016/07/psychology-why-americans-afraid-low-crime-levels.html

  • 6
    jc durbant:

    Sur-criminalité noire étrangement parallele d’ailleurs a la surcriminalite musulmane en France …

    « 60 % à 70 % » des détenus en France sont musulmans alors qu’ils représentent « à peine 12 % de la population totale du pays ». « Sur un continent où la présence des immigrés et de leurs enfants dans les systèmes carcéraux est généralement disproportionnée, les données françaises sont les plus flagrantes. En Grande-Bretagne, 11 % des prisonniers seraient musulmans, pour 3 % de la population. Une étude de l’ONG Open Society du milliardaire américain George Soros souligne de son côté qu’aux Pays-Bas, 20 % des détenus sont musulmans alors qu’ils représentent 5,5 % de la population, et, en Belgique, au moins 16 % de la population carcérale pour 2 % de la population totale. Les chiffres avancés ne sont pas officiels, car l’Etat français ne demande pas à ses citoyens de communiquer leur origine ou leur religion. En revanche, le quotidien affirme qu’il s’agit d' »estimations généralement acceptées » par les démographes et les sociologues.

    The Washington Post

  • 5
    jc durbant:

    STUDY CONFIRMS RACIAL BIAS IN POLICE SHOOTINGS (Against whites, that is)

    In shootings in these 10 cities involving officers, officers were more likely to fire their weapons without having first been attacked when the suspects were white. Black and white civilians involved in police shootings were equally likely to have been carrying a weapon. Both results undercut the idea of racial bias in police use of lethal force …

    http://nytimes.com/2016/07/12/upshot/surprising-new-evidence-shows-bias-in-police-use-of-force-but-not-in-shootings.html

  • 4
    jc durbant:

    WHEN ALL ELSE FAILS, BLAME TRUMP

    It’s just not the police. (…) It’s a kind of anti-black mood, anti-semitism, anti-Muslim bashing, immigrant bashing, female bashing, a kind of mean spirited division in the country. (…) The poison of the rhetoric has had a devastating impact. (…) Just the permissiveness of violence towards black people is readily apparent. We’ve being used as scapegoats for deeper economic and social fears. (…) It’s not just Trump, it’s the followers of Trump.

    Jessie Jackson

  • 3
    jc durbant:

    Cherchez l’erreur !

    Nous devons admettre le fait que ce type de violence n’arrive pas dans d’autres pays développés (…) Le fait que cela ait eu lieu dans une église noire soulève évidemment des questions sur une page sombre de notre histoire. Ce n’est pas la première fois que des églises noires ont été attaquées. Et nous savons que la haine entre les races et les religions posent une menace particulière pour notre démocratie et nos idéaux.

    Barack Hussein Obama (19.06.2015)

    Je pense qu’il est très difficile de démêler les motivations de ce tireur. Par définition, si vous tirez sur des gens qui ne constituent aucune menace pour vous, vous avez un problème.

    Barack Hussein Obama (09.07.2016)

    L’Amérique n’est pas aussi divisée qu’on le suggère (…) L’individu dément qui a accompli ces attaques, il n’est pas plus représentatif des Noirs américains que le tireur de Charleston ne l’était des Américains blancs ou que le tireur d’Orlando ou de San Bernardino n’était représentatif des Américains musulmans.

    Barack Hussein Obama (09.07.2016)

  • 2
    Gérard Pierre:

    Si ça s’trouve, le tueur était peut-être un « bon chrétien » !

    J’imagine le bonheur des islamogauchistes, trotskistes, verts’millon, PG, LCR, NPA, et autres saboteurs d’extrême gauche si c’est le cas :

    « P’tain ! … on en tient un ! … un facho, un nazi, un … ah oui mais merde, il est black ! … et ses victimes ne sont QUE des blancs descendants d’esclavagistes ! …… Nous faudrait un autre exemple ! … Z’avez qu’çà ? …… Non ? … bon ben, on va encore attendre !»

  • 1
    jc durbant:

    Morceaux choisis:

    I had feared that thousands of furious blond, blue-eyed women and their brunette sympathizers would take their rage into the streets, burning, killing and looting. While I don’t condone rioting, the historic and sociological reasons would have made such violence understandable. As one woman told me after the verdict: « For thousands of years, we have been putting up with abuse from large, strong, arrogant, evil-tempered men. « There is no group on Earth that has been kicked around the way women have. Since the dawn of history, we’ve been beaten, violated, enslaved, abandoned, stalked, pimped, murdered and even dissed by men. « Now this jury and the legal system have sent a clear message to society: It’s OK for men to cut our throats from ear to ear. »

    Mike Royko

    Savez-vous que les Noirs sont 10 pour cent de la population de Saint-Louis et sont responsables de 58% de ses crimes? Nous avons à faire face à cela. Et nous devons faire quelque chose au sujet de nos normes morales. Nous savons qu’il y a beaucoup de mauvaises choses dans le monde blanc, mais il y a aussi beaucoup de mauvaises choses dans le monde noir. Nous ne pouvons pas continuer à blâmer l’homme blanc. Il y a des choses que nous devons faire pour nous-mêmes.

    Martin Luther King (St Louis, 1961)

    But what about all the other young black murder victims? Nationally, nearly half of all murder victims are black. And the overwhelming majority of those black people are killed by other black people. Where is the march for them? Where is the march against the drug dealers who prey on young black people? Where is the march against bad schools, with their 50% dropout rate for black teenaged boys? Those failed schools are certainly guilty of creating the shameful 40% unemployment rate for black teens? How about marching against the cable television shows constantly offering minstrel-show images of black youth as rappers and comedians who don’t value education, dismiss the importance of marriage, and celebrate killing people, drug money and jailhouse fashion—the pants falling down because the jail guard has taken away the belt, the shoes untied because the warden removed the shoe laces, and accessories such as the drug dealer’s pit bull. (…) There is no fashion, no thug attitude that should be an invitation to murder. But these are the real murderous forces surrounding the Martin death—and yet they never stir protests. The race-baiters argue this case deserves special attention because it fits the mold of white-on-black violence that fills the history books. Some have drawn a comparison to the murder of Emmett Till, a black boy who was killed in 1955 by white racists for whistling at a white woman. (…) While civil rights leaders have raised their voices to speak out against this one tragedy, few if any will do the same about the larger tragedy of daily carnage that is black-on-black crime in America. (…) Almost one half of the nation’s murder victims that year were black and a majority of them were between the ages of 17 and 29. Black people accounted for 13% of the total U.S. population in 2005. Yet they were the victims of 49% of all the nation’s murders. And 93% of black murder victims were killed by other black people, according to the same report. (…) The killing of any child is a tragedy. But where are the protests regarding the larger problems facing black America?

    Juan Williams

    The absurdity of Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton is that they want to make a movement out of an anomaly. Black teenagers today are afraid of other black teenagers, not whites. … Trayvon’s sad fate clearly sent a quiver of perverse happiness all across America’s civil rights establishment, and throughout the mainstream media as well. His death was vindication of the ‘poetic truth’ that these establishments live by.

    Shelby Steele

    Would Trayvon be alive today had he been walking home—Skittles and ice tea in hand—wearing a polo shirt with an alligator logo? Possibly. And does this make the ugly point that dark skin late at night needs to have its menace softened by some show of Waspy Americana? Possibly. (…) Before the 1960s the black American identity (though no one ever used the word) was based on our common humanity, on the idea that race was always an artificial and exploitive division between people. After the ’60s—in a society guilty for its long abuse of us—we took our historical victimization as the central theme of our group identity. We could not have made a worse mistake. It has given us a generation of ambulance-chasing leaders, and the illusion that our greatest power lies in the manipulation of white guilt.

    Shelby Steele

    When we say fry them, we’re not speaking of killing a police officer…we’re saying, treat the police the same as you’re going to treat a civilian who commits murder against a police officer.

    Rashad Turner (Black lives matter activist)

    Pour neutraliser l’homme suspecté d’avoir abattu plusieurs officiers, les forces de l’ordre américaines ont eu recours à une machine armée d’une bombe. Vendredi à l’aube, un sniper suspecté d’avoir tiré sur des policiers et retranché depuis des heures dans un bâtiment est finalement tué par un robot télécommandé, utilisé pour faire détoner une bombe. Micah Johnson, jeune Noir de 25 ans, avait servi dans l’armée américaine en Afghanistan. Sur son profil Facebook, il avait publié des images avec le slogan «Black Power» des extrémistes afro-américains des années 1960 et 1970. Il avait également ajouté la lettre «X» entre son prénom et son nom, probablement en référence à Malcolm X, leader noir opposé à la non-violence prônée par Martin Luther King. Pour neutraliser ce suspect armé, la police de Dallas disposait d’un robot Northrop Grumman Andros, conçu pour les équipes de démineurs et l’armée. (…) «C’est la première fois qu’un robot est utilisé de cette façon par la police», a assuré sur Twitter Peter Singer, de la fondation New America, un groupe de réflexion spécialisé notamment dans les questions de sécurité. Ce spécialiste des méthodes modernes de combat a précisé qu’un appareil baptisé Marcbot «a été employé de la même façon par les troupes en Irak». (…) Des chercheurs de l’université de Floride travaillent eux au développement de «Telebot», comparé dans certains articles au célèbre «Robocop» imaginé au cinéma. Destiné notamment à assister des policiers handicapés pour qu’ils puissent reprendre le service, Telebot a été conçu «pour avoir l’air intimidant et assez autoritaire pour que les citoyens obéissent à ses ordres» tout un gardant «une apparence amicale» qui rassurent «les citoyens de tous âges», selon un rapport d’étudiants de l’université de Floride. L’arrivée de robots aux armes létales dans la police suscite de nombreuses interrogations. L’ONG Human Rights Watch et l’organisation International Human Rights Clinic, qui dépend de l’université de Harvard, s’inquiétaient ainsi en 2014 du recours aux robots par les forces de l’ordre. Ces engins «ne sont pas dotés de qualités humaines, telles que le jugement et l’empathie, qui permettent à la police d’éviter de tuer illégalement dans des situations inattendues», écrivaient-elles dans un rapport. Si l’emploi des robotos armés était amené à se développer, le bouleversement anthropologique suscité serait considérable.

    Le Figaro

    Violence in Chicago is reaching epidemic proportions. In the first five months of 2016, someone was shot every two and a half hours and someone murdered every 14 hours, for a total of nearly 1,400 nonfatal shooting victims and 240 fatalities. Over Memorial Day weekend, 69 people were shot, nearly one per hour, dwarfing the previous year’s tally of 53 shootings over the same period. The violence is spilling over from the city’s gang-infested South and West Sides into the downtown business district; Lake Shore Drive has seen drive-by shootings and robberies. The growing mayhem is the result of Chicago police officers’ withdrawal from proactive enforcement, making the city a dramatic example of what I have called the “Ferguson effect.” Since the shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, in August 2014, the conceit that American policing is lethally racist has dominated the national airwaves and political discourse, from the White House on down. In response, cops in minority neighborhoods in Chicago and other cities around the country are backing off pedestrian stops and public-order policing; criminals are flourishing in the resulting vacuum. (…) Residents of Chicago’s high-crime areas are paying the price. (…) Through the end of May, shooting incidents in Chicago were up 53 percent over the same period in 2015, which had already seen a significant increase over 2014. Compared with the first five months of 2014, shooting incidents in 2016 were up 86 percent. Certain police districts saw larger spikes. The Harrison District on the West Side, encompassing West Humboldt Park, for example, had a 191 percent increase in homicides through the end of May. Shootings in May citywide averaged nearly 13 a day, a worrisome portent for summer. (…) Social breakdown lies behind Chicago’s historically high levels of violence. Fatherlessness in the city’s black community is at a cataclysmic level—close to 80 percent of children are born to single mothers in high-crime areas. Illegitimacy is catching up fast among Hispanics, as well. Gangs have stepped in where fathers are absent. A 2012 gang audit documented 59 active street gangs with 625 factions, some controlling a single block. Schools in gang territories go on high alert at dismissal time to fend off violence. Endemic crime has prevented the commercial development and gentrification that are revitalizing so many parts of Chicago closer to downtown; block after block on the South Side features a wan liquor store or check-cashing outlet, surrounded by empty lots and the occasional skeleton of a once-magnificent beaux-arts apartment complex or bank. Nonfunctioning streetlights, their fuse boxes vandalized, signal the reign of a local gang faction. (…) Public-order infractions, otherwise known as “Broken Windows” offenses, abound. Stand just a few minutes on a South or West Side thoroughfare, and someone will stride by hawking bootleg CDs or videos and loose cigarettes. Some law-abiding Chicagoans blame the rising violence on just such street disorder. (…) The drug trade is less overt but more ubiquitous than the trafficking in CDs and loosies. The majority of victims in the current crime wave are already known to the police. (…) But innocents, like the Lake Shore Drive robbery victims, are being attacked as well (…) Officers who try to intervene in this disorder face a virulent street situation, thanks to the current anti-cop ideology. “People are a hundred times more likely to resist arrest,” an officer who has worked a decade and a half on the South Side informs me. “People want to fight you; they swear at you. ‘Fuck the police, we don’t have to listen,’ they say. I haven’t seen this kind of hatred toward the police in my career.” (…) The “no-snitch” ethic of refusing to cooperate with the cops is the biggest impediment to solving crime, according to Chicago commanders. But the Black Lives Matter narrative about endemically racist cops has made the street dynamic much worse. A detective says: “From patrol to investigation, it’s almost an undoable job now. If I get out of my car, the guys get hostile right away and several people are taping [with cell phones].” Bystanders and suspects try to tamper with crime scenes and aggressively interfere with investigations. Additional officers may be needed during an arrest to keep angry onlookers away. This volatile policing environment now exists in urban areas across the country. (…) Criminals have become emboldened by the police disengagement. “Gangbangers now realize that no one will stop them,” says a former high-ranking police official. And people who wouldn’t have carried a gun before are now armed, a South Side officer says.

    Heather Mac Donald

    To judge from Black Lives Matter protesters and their media and political allies, you would think that killer cops pose the biggest threat to young black men today. But this perception, like almost everything else that many people think they know about fatal police shootings, is wrong. The Washington Post has been gathering data on fatal police shootings over the past year and a half to correct acknowledged deficiencies in federal tallies. The emerging data should open many eyes. For starters, fatal police shootings make up a much larger proportion of white and Hispanic homicide deaths than black homicide deaths. According to the Post database, in 2015 officers killed 662 whites and Hispanics, and 258 blacks. (The overwhelming majority of all those police-shooting victims were attacking the officer, often with a gun.) Using the 2014 homicide numbers as an approximation of 2015’s, those 662 white and Hispanic victims of police shootings would make up 12% of all white and Hispanic homicide deaths. That is three times the proportion of black deaths that result from police shootings. The lower proportion of black deaths due to police shootings can be attributed to the lamentable black-on-black homicide rate. There were 6,095 black homicide deaths in 2014—the most recent year for which such data are available—compared with 5,397 homicide deaths for whites and Hispanics combined. Almost all of those black homicide victims had black killers. Police officers—of all races—are also disproportionately endangered by black assailants. Over the past decade, according to FBI data, 40% of cop killers have been black. Officers are killed by blacks at a rate 2.5 times higher than the rate at which blacks are killed by police. Some may find evidence of police bias in the fact that blacks make up 26% of the police-shooting victims, compared with their 13% representation in the national population. But as residents of poor black neighborhoods know too well, violent crimes are disproportionately committed by blacks. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, blacks were charged with 62% of all robberies, 57% of murders and 45% of assaults in the 75 largest U.S. counties in 2009, though they made up roughly 15% of the population there. Such a concentration of criminal violence in minority communities means that officers will be disproportionately confronting armed and often resisting suspects in those communities, raising officers’ own risk of using lethal force. The Black Lives Matter movement claims that white officers are especially prone to shooting innocent blacks due to racial bias, but this too is a myth. A March 2015 Justice Department report on the Philadelphia Police Department found that black and Hispanic officers were much more likely than white officers to shoot blacks based on “threat misperception”—that is, the mistaken belief that a civilian is armed. (…) The Black Lives Matter movement has been stunningly successful in changing the subject from the realities of violent crime. The world knows the name of Michael Brown but not Tyshawn Lee, a 9-year-old black child lured into an alley and killed by gang members in Chicago last fall. Tyshawn was one of dozens of black children gunned down in America last year. (…) Those were black lives that mattered, and it is a scandal that outrage is heaped less on the dysfunctional culture that produces so many victims than on the police officers who try to protect them.

    Heather Mac Donald

    However intolerable and inexcusable every act of police brutality is, and while we need to make sure that the police are properly trained in the Constitution and in courtesy, there is a larger reality behind the issue of policing, crime, and race that remains a taboo topic. The problem of black-on-black crime is an uncomfortable truth, but unless we acknowledge it, we won’t get very far in understanding patterns of policing. Every year, approximately 6,000 blacks are murdered. This is a number greater than white and Hispanic homicide victims combined, even though blacks are only 13 percent of the national population. Blacks are killed at six times the rate of whites and Hispanics combined. (…) The astronomical black death-by-homicide rate is a function of the black crime rate. Black males between the ages of 14 and 17 commit homicide at ten times the rate of white and Hispanic male teens combined. Blacks of all ages commit homicide at eight times the rate of whites and Hispanics combined, and at eleven times the rate of whites alone. (…) The nation’s police killed 987 civilians in 2015, according to a database compiled by The Washington Post. Whites were 50 percent—or 493—of those victims, and blacks were 26 percent—or 258. Most of those victims of police shootings, white and black, were armed or otherwise threatening the officer with potentially lethal force. The black violent crime rate would actually predict that more than 26 percent of police victims would be black. Officer use of force will occur where the police interact most often with violent criminals, armed suspects, and those resisting arrest, and that is in black neighborhoods. In America’s 75 largest counties in 2009, for example, blacks constituted 62 percent of all robbery defendants, 57 percent of all murder defendants, 45 percent of all assault defendants—but only 15 percent of the population. Moreover, 40 percent of all cop killers have been black over the last decade. And a larger proportion of white and Hispanic homicide deaths are a result of police killings than black homicide deaths—but don’t expect to hear that from the media or from the political enablers of the Black Lives Matter movement. Twelve percent of all white and Hispanic homicide victims are killed by police officers, compared to four percent of all black homicide victims. (…) Standard anti-cop ideology, whether emanating from the ACLU or the academy, holds that law enforcement actions are racist if they don’t mirror population data. New York City illustrates why that expectation is so misguided. Blacks make up 23 percent of New York City’s population, but they commit 75 percent of all shootings, 70 percent of all robberies, and 66 percent of all violent crime, according to victims and witnesses. Add Hispanic shootings and you account for 98 percent of all illegal gunfire in the city. Whites are 33 percent of the city’s population, but they commit fewer than two percent of all shootings, four percent of all robberies, and five percent of all violent crime. These disparities mean that virtually every time the police in New York are called out on a gun run—meaning that someone has just been shot—they are being summoned to minority neighborhoods looking for minority suspects. Officers hope against hope that they will receive descriptions of white shooting suspects, but it almost never happens. This incidence of crime means that innocent black men have a much higher chance than innocent white men of being stopped by the police because they match the description of a suspect. This is not something the police choose. It is a reality forced on them by the facts of crime. The geographic disparities are also huge. In Brownsville, Brooklyn, the per capita shooting rate is 81 times higher than in nearby Bay Ridge, Brooklyn—the first neighborhood predominantly black, the second neighborhood predominantly white and Asian. As a result, police presence and use of proactive tactics are much higher in Brownsville than in Bay Ridge. Every time there is a shooting, the police will flood the area looking to make stops in order to avert a retaliatory shooting. They are in Brownsville not because of racism, but because they want to provide protection to its many law-abiding residents who deserve safety. Who are some of the victims of elevated urban crime? On March 11, 2015, as protesters were once again converging on the Ferguson police headquarters demanding the resignation of the entire department, a six-year-old boy named Marcus Johnson was killed a few miles away in a St. Louis park, the victim of a drive-by shooting. No one protested his killing. Al Sharpton did not demand a federal investigation. Few people outside of his immediate community know his name. (…) This mindless violence seems almost to be regarded as normal, given the lack of attention it receives from the same people who would be out in droves if any of these had been police shootings. As horrific as such stories are, crime rates were much higher 20 years ago. In New York City in 1990, for example, there were 2,245 homicides. In 2014 there were 333—a decrease of 85 percent. The drop in New York’s crime rate is the steepest in the nation, but crime has fallen at a historic rate nationwide as well—by about 40 percent—since the early 1990s. The greatest beneficiaries of these declining rates have been minorities. Over 10,000 minority males alive today in New York would be dead if the city’s homicide rate had remained at its early 1990s level. What is behind this historic crime drop? A policing revolution that began in New York and spread nationally, and that is now being threatened. Starting in 1994, the top brass of the NYPD embraced the then-radical idea that the police can actually prevent crime, not just respond to it. They started gathering and analyzing crime data on a daily and then hourly basis. They looked for patterns, and strategized on tactics to try to quell crime outbreaks as they were emerging. Equally important, they held commanders accountable for crime in their jurisdictions. Department leaders started meeting weekly with precinct commanders to grill them on crime patterns on their watch. These weekly accountability sessions came to be known as Compstat. (…) For decades, the rap against the police was that they ignored crime in minority neighborhoods. Compstat keeps New York commanders focused like a laser beam on where people are being victimized most, and that is in minority communities. (…) In New York City, businesses that had shunned previously drug-infested areas now set up shop there, offering residents a choice in shopping and creating a demand for workers. Senior citizens felt safe to go to the store or to the post office to pick up their Social Security checks. Children could ride their bikes on city sidewalks without their mothers worrying that they would be shot. But the crime victories of the last two decades, and the moral support on which law and order depends, are now in jeopardy thanks to the falsehoods of the Black Lives Matter movement. Police operating in inner-city neighborhoods now find themselves routinely surrounded by cursing, jeering crowds when they make a pedestrian stop or try to arrest a suspect. Sometimes bottles and rocks are thrown. Bystanders stick cell phones in the officers’ faces, daring them to proceed with their duties. Officers are worried about becoming the next racist cop of the week and possibly losing their livelihood thanks to an incomplete cell phone video that inevitably fails to show the antecedents to their use of force. (…) As a result of the anti-cop campaign of the last two years and the resulting push-back in the streets, officers in urban areas are cutting back on precisely the kind of policing that led to the crime decline of the 1990s and 2000s. (…) On the other hand, the people demanding that the police back off are by no means representative of the entire black community. Go to any police-neighborhood meeting in Harlem, the South Bronx, or South Central Los Angeles, and you will invariably hear variants of the following: “We want the dealers off the corner.” “You arrest them and they’re back the next day.” “There are kids hanging out on my stoop. Why can’t you arrest them for loitering?” “I smell weed in my hallway. Can’t you do something?” I met an elderly cancer amputee in the Mount Hope section of the Bronx who was terrified to go to her lobby mailbox because of the young men trespassing there and selling drugs. The only time she felt safe was when the police were there. “Please, Jesus,” she said to me, “send more police!” The irony is that the police cannot respond to these heartfelt requests for order without generating the racially disproportionate statistics that will be used against them in an ACLU or Justice Department lawsuit. Unfortunately, when officers back off in high crime neighborhoods, crime shoots through the roof. Our country is in the midst of the first sustained violent crime spike in two decades. Murders rose nearly 17 percent in the nation’s 50 largest cities in 2015, and it was in cities with large black populations where the violence increased the most. (…) I first identified the increase in violent crime in May 2015 and dubbed it “the Ferguson effect.” (…) The number of police officers killed in shootings more than doubled during the first three months of 2016. In fact, officers are at much greater risk from blacks than unarmed blacks are from the police. Over the last decade, an officer’s chance of getting killed by a black has been 18.5 times higher than the chance of an unarmed black getting killed by a cop. (…) We have been here before. In the 1960s and early 1970s, black and white radicals directed hatred and occasional violence against the police. The difference today is that anti-cop ideology is embraced at the highest reaches of the establishment: by the President, by his Attorney General, by college presidents, by foundation heads, and by the press. The presidential candidates of one party are competing to see who can out-demagogue President Obama’s persistent race-based calumnies against the criminal justice system, while those of the other party have not emphasized the issue as they might have. I don’t know what will end the current frenzy against the police. What I do know is that we are playing with fire, and if it keeps spreading, it will be hard to put out.

    Heather Mac Donald
















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